@CWOTUS, while it’s true that there is never a set amount of customers in any industry, I think you’re being cute here. There may be a few more customers for power boilers in the future but I’m assuming your business still operates as if there is a scarce and competitive market for them… which was my point.
And profit = revenue from customers – expenses so I’m not sure what you’re disputing there. I guess I left out pricing? Oh well?
As for markets being “magical,” I think this goes a long way towards explaining what’s wrong with conservatives. You are in awe of the market and treat it almost as a deity that can do no wrong and must be appeased. If you’d simply read Adam Smith, you’d know that there’s absolutely nothing magical about markets. And certainly the history of modern industrialism is rife with examples of unregulated markets utterly failing.
And here are some choice Smith quotes:
On credit regulation:
“To restrain private people, it may be said, from receiving in payment the promissory notes of a banker, for any sum whether great or small, when they themselves are willing to receive them; or, to restrain a banker from issuing such notes, when all his neighbours are willing to accept of them, is a manifest violation of that natural liberty which it is the proper business of law, not to infringe, but to support. Such regulations may, no doubt, be considered as in some respects a violation of natural liberty. But those exertions of the natural liberty of a few individuals, which might endanger the security of the whole society, are, and ought to be, restrained by the laws of all governments; of the most free, as well as of the most despotical. The obligation of building party walls, in order to prevent the communication of fire, is a violation of natural liberty, exactly of the same kind with the regulations of the banking trade which are here proposed.”
On collusion:
“People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public, or in some contrivance to raise prices. It is impossible indeed to prevent such meetings, by any law which either could be executed, or would be consistent with liberty or justice. But though the law cannot hinder people of the same trade from sometimes assembling together, it ought to do nothing to facilitate such assemblies; much less to render them necessary.”
On regulating how masters pay workmen:
“Whenever the legislature attempts to regulate the differences between masters and their workmen, its counsellors are always the masters. When the regulation, therefore, is in favor of the workmen, it is always just and equitable; but it is sometimes otherwise when in favor of the masters. ”
In general:
“To expect that freedom of trade should ever be entirely restored in Great Britain, is as absurd as to expect that an Oceana or a Utopia should ever be established in it,”
In general, Smith is skeptical of any regulation proposed by a particular interest—such as city-based industry or the “elite” (in Smith’s timepolitics was dominated by elite landowners—not so different from our time, really)—because such a regulation would distort the natural tendencies of the market (to, for example, favor city-based industry over rural-based industry). But Smith was not an anarchist; he acknowledged that some regulation was necessary and supported it in some circumstances. He also saw collusion and wealth inequality as explicit social ills, though he did not propose specific solutions for them.