@ETpro I’d argue that supply-side policies have been an astounding success for the very rich. I will try to explain what I think its rationale actually is, which I believe is motivated more by malice, spite and class interest, rather than delusion and incompetence (not to say that many of its proponents are not deluded and incompetent.)
Demand-side economics saved capitalism. It helped stave off the influence and growth of the radical left and appease the discontent of millions. It did this by putting people to work, but most importantly by giving people a disposable income and promoting consumerism. Increasingly, workers could buy and enjoy more of things once affordable only by the rich.
Historically, the rich have distinguished themselves by their conspicuous consumption. In the post-war boom, this outward class distinction was being eroded. Even ordinary blue-collar workers could buy cars similar to that of their bosses, wear fashionable clothes, buy bigger homes, afford various luxuries and foreign vacations.
The problem is that the interests of the rich are not the same as that of workers, and that their concessions and elevation of the working class to the affluent, self-styled middle class they came to be, was done begrudgingly and only in the interests of preserving their own long-term privilege and power. They immediately went to work in undermining this new middle-class, intellectually and politically, and they have done so relentlessly.
This is where supply-side arguments play their role. It’s also, I think, where the political and philosophical wings of the supply-siders come in: Libertarianism and Objectivism. Right in the middle of the most prosperous period of capitalism, arguments were being made that the rich deserve more, that people should be concerned only with their own affairs, that true liberty is expressed only in a free market, and individualism and selfish greed are the greatest human values. If we just cut taxes on the rich, if we just cut social spending, we’ll all be freer and even more prosperous.
And guess what? That rhetoric won. Those arguments swayed people. The propaganda was relentless. There are dozens of major think-tanks advocating supply-side economics (they even argue that their policies ended the Great Depression) supported by corporations and individual billionaires. The turning point appeared to be in the 70s, because this is when consumerism and the affluent life-style of the middle class stopped being largely fueled by their disposable incomes, but by ever larger debt. The oil crisis also gave the supply-siders the pretext to impose their new economic order and gain a political foothold; they haven’t looked back since. (Globalisation played its part, too, but I won’t get into that else I’ll be writing forever.)
Since the late 70s we’ve witnessed a social and economic regression to the sort of class distinctions and income disparity that existed prior to the ‘Golden Age of Capitalism’.
We’re now replaying similar economic conditions to that of the 1930s, but with some key differences: There is no radical left. The peasants aren’t at the gates with pitchforks. The finance sector now largely controls governments. The rich have no incentive to repeat the concessions of The New Deal and the Great Society, since it was the existence of a radical left that allowed for that at all. And we’ve massive environmental and ecological risks to manage and problems to solve—with civilisational implications.
I agree that fiscal policy designed at increasing aggregate demand would (except there’s far less political will to even do so now) pull the US and the EU out of recesssion—It’s just that we’re on an unsustainable path anyway.